Earlier other opposition parties also announced their decision to end the boycott. Originally, three major parties – the New Rights, Conservative, and Industrial party - all participated in the boycott, as well as the parliament faction the Democratic Front, which consists of members from the Conservative party and the Republic party. Later attempts to form a wider boycott against the local government elections were not successful.
A joint effort by the opposition to condemn the government’s actions in upper Kodori Gorge (Upper Abkhazia) over the summer was also largely ineffective after the government was able to prove there were few human casualties and it was able to regain control over the previous renegade region.
The boycott, which was announced in March, was a last ditch effort by the opposition to give their pleas a wider platform. At the time, the political situation in the country had shifted and Saakashvili, although clearly still supported, had lost popularity in the wake of the Sandro Girgvliani murder scandal and the government’s decision to impose fines if merchants did not use a government approved cash register.
However, even as the usually bickering parties found common ground over the scandals, the individual parties’ motivation to join the boycott was mixed. At the time, the New Rights stood behind the boycott as a vehicle to push for Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili’s resignation, while the parliament faction the Democratic Front stated it was also a move to push for stricter measures against MPs with business interests. In March, Republican MP Valeri Gelashvili was stripped of his mandate by a decision pushed through the ruling party-controlled parliament at record speed.
Currently, it appears the opposition is chiefly concerned with the administration’s handling of the ongoing crisis with Russia. According to Industrial party member and MP Zurab Tkemaladze, Georgian prime minister Zurab Noghaideli is not providing appropriate responses to the opposition’s request for more information about government plans to deal with the embargo, transportation blockade and over 800 deportees that are returning to Georgia.
However, the ruling party appears less than impressed with the opposition’s newly discovered public voice. According to statements to the press on Monday, Noghaideli remarked that he “does not worry” about the opposition’s “discontent.”
In addition, National Movement parliamentary leader Maia Nadiradze dismissed the opposition’s demands for a harsher stance against Russia. According to New Right member Giorgi Mosidze, the boycott was successful because it brought some international attention to the Georgian parliament and the plight of the underrepresented opposition parties. The Saakashvili administration has been under pressure from international groups to lower the 7 percent cutoff for a seat in the parliament and make other adjustments to provide more balance to the legislative body.
However the ruling party and the administration have repeatedly stated that while they agree the country needs an opposition, it is not their fault the existing parties are struggling.
In a speech remarking on the National Movement’s landslide victory in the local elections, Saakashvili bemoaned the state of the country’s opposition. “\"I am not happy with these shameful results and the defeat of the opposition… Even a very effective government loses its effectiveness if it lacks a constructive opposition,” Saakashvili said on October 9 according to the internet based news service Civil.ge. “We want you [the opposition parties] to be stronger. Of course we do not want them [the opposition] to come to power, because it will lead to nothing good, but they should be more organized.”
The Georgian opposition has long been plagued by internal bickering and ineffectual political maneuvering. While public support for the ruling party has fallen – as evident in the low turnout for the local elections – there is no real sign that any opposition party is attracting disenfranchised voters. The ability to join together is one step toward increasing the opposition’s strength and power. However, unless they can develop a strong platform based on real issues instead of populist measures designed to steal the spotlight for a few moments, it is unlikely that the Georgian opposition will ever develop the political muscle to take on the National Movement.