On September 18, the parliament stripped Kubanychbek Kadyrov, parliamentarian from the Social Democratic Party (SDPK) faction, of his immunity. The decision was pushed through by the presidential Ak Jol party and supported by the pro-governmental Communist Party and is widely seen as politically driven. As an unprecedented step, it marks the Bakiev regime’s increasing pressure on the opposition, and especially on the SDPK as the only opposition party represented in parliament.

The removal of immunity was requested by the Prosecutor General, Elmurza Satybaldiev, who claimed it was a “requisite” step in proceeding with the investigations into the arrests of United People’s Movement (UPM) activists in Balykchy in Issyk Kul on Election Day. The Prosecutor General declared that Kadyrov was a ringleader of the protests along with nineteen other detained activists; Kadyrov is incriminated for his alleged attempts to disrupt the election process, threatening the lives of police officers, and instigating mass protests.

According to the unofficial version, a few dozen UPM activists, including SDPK parliamentarian Mirbek Asanakunov, were arrested on July 23 when they gathered in front of the Rayon Election Commission’s office to complain about widespread irregularities at the polling stations. Kadyrov was arrested later when he gathered roughly a hundred people in front of the local police building to demand the release of UPM observers. Currently, nineteen people are under trial, some of them reportedly severely beaten.

SDPK parliamentarian Roza Otunbaeva, a former Minister of Foreign Affairs and a member of the ad hoc commission designated to deal with Kadyrov’s immunity, noted that the accusations against Kadyrov relied on the statements of one arrested UPM activist in Balykchy who had been subjected to force, and that the commission did little to acquaint itself with the actual state of affairs. She stressed that the Prosecutor General’s allegations were the only source of information for the commission, while arrested people in fact reject these allegations in court.

Former speaker of parliament Abdygany Erkebaev noted that the decision was unprecedented. Attempts were made in the past to bring certain parliamentarians to justice, but these were strictly related to their business activities. UPM leader Almazbek Atambaev said the process is part of an attempt to threaten people in light of the Bakiev regime’s increasing pressure following the contentious elections and did not rule out that charges against other opposition members could follow the incrimination of Kadyrov.

With its eleven seats, the SDPK is the only opposition party represented in parliament. It has been under increasing pressure after it came to constitute the core of the UPM, whose leader, Atambaev, ran as the opposition candidate in the July presidential election. The SDPK was highly visible in the election campaign, its office becoming the UPM’s headquarters and its website functioning as one of the few sources on opposition activities. As a consequence, its members have increasingly been forced out of the party to either join the government or leave politics altogether. “The government is teaching us a lesson, some of which is quite effective,” Otunbaeva stated, referring to SDPK’s shrinking membership.

On September 1, SDPK parliamentarian Murat Juraev revoked his mandate in protest of the “radicalization” of the SDPK and the “language of ultimatums” it had chosen. Two SDPK parliamentarians, Rahat Irsaliev and Osmon Artykbaev, also left parliament months before the elections referring to business-related grounds, while stressing that no political motives were behind their decisions. On June 22, Jusupjan Jeenbekov revoked his mandate in an attempt to find his son Baktiyar Amirajanov, a businessman who disappeared in September 2008 and is reportedly kidnapped by criminal groups for extortion. His body was found in the outskirts of Bishkek shortly after the election. Another SDPK parliamentarian, Ruslan Shabotoev, disappeared in September 2008 and is reportedly also abducted. His whereabouts still remain unknown.

In January 2009 businessman and once-vocal opposition member Omurbek Babanov became deputy prime minister and withdrew from the SDPK. UPM leader Atambaev noted that “it will be difficult for businessmen to be in the opposition. Laws are not working, and pressure comes from all sides. Not everyone can get through this process”. The UPM reportedly lost many supporters as well, especially in rural areas where people proved more susceptible to administrative pressure during the election campaign. Another prominent SDPK parliamentarian, Atambaev’s campaign manager Bakyt Beshimov who was scathingly critical of Bakiev’s authoritarian regime, is currently in the U.S.. His return and as his future plans remain uncertain, but will certainly depend on the political developments in Kyrgyzstan.  Although the SDPK’s seats are refilled with MPs from the party list, these are less known and less experienced.

On August 19, Atambaev announced that his party is ready to merge with the Ata Meken party, stressing that he would not compete for its leadership. Ata Meken leader Omurbek Tekebaev confirmed that talks on merging the two parties was on the agenda, owing to their similar social democratic platforms. Tekebaev also made clear that creating a new party out of UPM was “politically premature”, and that the idea arose in the wake of the opposition’s defeat in the elections.

Buttressed by the pro-governmental media outlets, ever harsher means employed by the government make the opposition look increasingly disunited and bankrupt of ideas. This trend is particularly worrisome in light of the administrative reforms called by President Bakiev in September, on which the opposition’s opinion would be crucial. Moreover, information has leaked that some pro-governmental parties are gearing up, generating speculations that the genuine opposition could be completely sidelined from parliament in the near future.