Wednesday, 21 November 2001

KAZAKH-UZBEK BORDER AGREEMENT SIGNED

Published in Field Reports

By Marat Yermukanov, Kazakhstan (11/21/2001 issue of the CACI Analyst)

"An Uzbek is my own brother", a common Kazakh saying goes. In reality, present- day Kazakh-Uzbek relations could be called anything but fraternal. The tension between the two ethnically close neighbors have manifested themselves in numerous border skirmishes during the last two years.

"An Uzbek is my own brother", a common Kazakh saying goes. In reality, present- day Kazakh-Uzbek relations could be called anything but fraternal. The tension between the two ethnically close neighbors have manifested themselves in numerous border skirmishes during the last two years. Guided by oriental wisdom, both sides tried to hush up these incidents, though tacitly admitting that they are more rivals than friends in Central Asia.

The border agreement signed by the presidents of the two countries in the Kazakh capital Astana on November 17 could mark the thawing of these strained relations. But the agreement reached covers only 96% of the 2100 km (1300 miles) long borderline. The talks over the remaining three border sections will drag on for at least another six months.

The current headaches over the border problems originate largely from arbitrary decisions of the Soviet rulers. In 1956, on the decision of the Central Party Committee under Khrushev, a large area of 10,000 square kilometers in South Kazakhstan were allotted to Uzbekistan. Further, three districts in the southern parts of Kazakhstan became Uzbek territory in 1963. Only in 1971, it is said, mainly due to personal friendship between party leaders Brezhnev and Kunaev, the annexed areas were partly returned to Kazakhstan.

The border settlements of Bagys and Turkestanets with a Kazakh population of roughly 2,000, will probably remain an apple of discord for a considerable time. The absurdity of the situation is that the local population in these areas use Kazakh passports but are governed by Uzbek laws. The tolerance of the Kazakh government can partly be explained by the fact that the southern regions of Kazakhstan entirely depend on Uzbek gas. Locals use relatively cheap Uzbek workforce. The authorities have to close their eyes to what some analysts describe as ‘creeping Uzbek expansion’.

According to some estimates, there are still 1,5 million ethnic Kazakhs in Uzbekistan, though many of them, driven by the war in Afghanistan, are returning to the land of their ancestors. The Uzbeks in Kazakhstan number slightly more than 370,000. Demands of ethnic groups abroad for an adequate education possibilities in their mother tongue are often met with bureaucratic obstacles.

"We have once and for all removed the ground from under the feet of our enemies who constantly talk of the alleged contradictions existing between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan", stated Uzbek president Islam Karimov. He did not specify what enemies he was referring to.

But contradictions both in foreign policy and in economic reform between these friends in need do exist. Uzbekistan has in many occasions in the past challenged Russian dominance in Central Asia. In 1999 it withdrew from the Agreement on collective security of the CIS countries. Kazakhstan, on the other hand, is still considered Russia’s closest ally in Central Asia. The 1997 Agreement on Eternal Friendship signed between Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and later joined by Tajikistan remains only on paper. At the same time Russia and Kazakhstan cannot ignore that the United States values Uzbekistan as a strategically important ally in Central Asia.

In economic terms Uzbekistan, unlike Kazakhstan, is in no hurry to privatize state enterprises. This, analysts say, is one of the stumbling blocks in trade relations with this in many ways conservative Central Asian country. But residents of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan take advantage of opportunities through a thriving shadow business crossing the poorly guarded borders.

Marat Yermukanov, Kazakhstan

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The Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst is a biweekly publication of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, a Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Council, Washington DC., and the Institute for Security and Development Policy, Stockholm. For 15 years, the Analyst has brought cutting edge analysis of the region geared toward a practitioner audience.

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